Wednesday 30 October 2013

Oh my God, look at Christopher Pyne’s hair!



As I tuned in to Q&A this week, I was viciously confronted by a Hanson-esque, short and tight, 80s perm. Pyne always reminds me of a John Waters' caricature. You know, when Serial Mom is questioning the character of the high school girl because she has bad hair.  Serial Mom reminds us how important it is to question the credibility of those individuals whose hairstyles embody a time and a place where gay men often; hated themselves, married women and joined the Liberal Party.  Secretly, I also imagine dressing as Serial Mom, with Christopher Pyne as my Mr Stubbins.


As Pyne yapped, I suffered another terrifying flashback.  It was 2011 and John Howard was launching Mining Company Director Ian Plimer’s new book, How to Get Expelled from school:  A guide to climate change for pupils, parents and punters, at Sydney Fucking Mining Club. The book was typical climate change denialism aimed at innocent school children and their concerned parents who, according to Plimer, were his inspiration.   It received much the same reception as everything else Plimer has written, people with half a brain labelling it as a pile of pseudoscientific dog shit. Left wingers declared that it might be easier to get disciplined by your school by standing up at parade and declaring that you are a poofter?  In 2009, Tony Abbott spoke through his red speedos of Plimer, “I think that in response to the IPCC alarmist - in inverted commas - view, there've been quite a lot of other reputable scientific voices. Now not everyone agrees with Ian Plimer's position, but he is a highly credible scientist and he has written what seems like a very well-argued book refuting most of the claims of the climate catastrophists."[1]

When he launched Plimer’s book, Howard unashamedly expressed his fears about left wing radicals.  Since then, we have been bombarded by paranoid conservatives' perceiving threats that progressive people pose to both the independence of private schools and the school curriculum. This neo-conservative ‘thinking’ is perfectly embodied in Kevin Donnelly, director of Education Standards Institute, a right wing think tank.  On the Institute's website, Donnelly [2] declares, “at a time of international terrorism represented by radical Islam and jihad there is no attempt to teach students about the liberal, democratic institutions and values that ensure Australia's stability and peace. Christianity barley rates a mention and ignored is that there are some cultural practices that are un-Australian and abhorrent to our way of life and that values like tolerance, civility and a commitment to freedom are a characteristic of Western, liberal democracies”. The independent authority responsible for the development of the national curriculum, the Australian Curriculum Assessment and Reporting Authority (ACARA) [3] have dismissed such claims, directly responding to the paranoid delusions of conservatives in their media releases.

Donnelly embodies the kind of conservative thinking about multiculturalism, terrorism, Islam, Muslims, socialism and the Greens, (just to name a few), that fascinates a pitchfork bearing public.  His critique of Greens’ policies extends to their embrace of sexual and gender diversity.  Donnelly believes that non-government schools must be allowed to discriminate against those that individuals who do not conform to narrow sexual and gender norms, in the hiring of staff or selection of students.  He also expresses his concern about the Greens' call for age appropriate information about the diversity of sexuality and gender be taught at schools.  Donnelly argues that imposing this on religious schools, “flies in the face of international human rights agreements and conventions protecting religious freedom”[4].  What a coincidence that Tony Abbott launched his party’s education policy at a Christian school in Western Sydney that (on its website) described homosexuality as an abomination[6].  The explicit homophobia has since been retracted in ‘The Donna Summer Act’ of 2013.

Anyway, back to this week’s Q&A. Pyne was carrying on like a privileged white, Western, kinda heterosexualish male, spewing statements which reflected and reinforced fear of socialism and environmentalism.  In his discussion of the national curriculum, he encouraged the viewer to think that the themes permeating it were not what good parents want.  Pyne was echoing Donnelly’s recent claims that every subject has to be taught through environmental, Indigenous and Asian perspectives [7].  The ACARA dispelled [8] Donnelly’s assertion. “They are identified as issues that should be addressed but only where relevant and as part of the teaching of the traditional disciplines of knowledge,” the ACARA said.  I haven't been to school for 20 years, but I have my doubts that school kids are being encouraged to deconstruct capitalist philosophy and engage in rigorous questioning of economic rationalism and rampant individualism.  


[4] p.33 in The Greens: Policies, Reality and Consequences (2011) editor: Andrew McIntyre. Connor Court.

Watch this











Thursday 24 October 2013

Conservatives: Diversity, national identity and the future of Australia


The Australian Human Rights Commission’s Race Discrimination Commissioner, Tim Soutphommasane, was in conversation with President of the Commission, Gillian Triggs, last night.  He talked about culture, citizenship and identity.  He argued that Australia is a relatively socially cohesive place and that he thinks Australia is perceived as a tolerant country, on the world stage.  What amazes me is that considering many conservatives in Australia provide such a sustained attack on multiculturalism, Australia has continued to be all soft and fluffy.  Despite the conservatives’ assertion of the value of all things economically productive, white and Christian (a narrow version of what it means to be Australian; and their attempt to hold these imaginary Australian values up against that which they consider unAustralian), how has Australia remained a relatively tolerant country?

The closest their discussion came to suggest the possibility that Australia could become a less cohesive nation was in mention of the Scanlan Foundation’s report, ‘Mapping social cohesion’.  The report builds on information gained from the five earlier annual reports, starting in 2007. “In 2013 there was a marked increase in reported experience of discrimination. The Scanlon Foundation survey asked: ‘Have you experienced discrimination because of your skin colour, ethnic origin or religion?’ The 2013 survey found the highest level recorded across the six surveys (19%), an increase of seven percentage points over 2012.” [1](Andrew Markus 2013, p.2)

And what I was unable to articulate last night is whether the speakers thought these attacks by the conservatives on diversity, for example; the supposed left wing bias in the way history is taught in school, gays being allowed to marry, asylum seekers, the value of education that does not doesn’t merely turn us into economically productive and obedient citizens, and empowerment for Indigenous people that does not focus exclusively on turning them into productive individualists, are becoming increasing threats to the social fabric.  If these attacks continue and intensify, will an Australia of the future be a place that slowly descends into social disorder, and as a result, contribute to a global move toward the same?  Or are these conservative ideas of thought always hanging around in the background, not any more intense or divisive now than they have been in the past?  Is it significant that Labor has moved so far right that, from both sides of politics, we are increasingly seeing simplistic and divisive ideas about what it means to be an Australian and what is good for the Australian people?

Tuesday 22 October 2013

'Dateline': Marching to the beat of Scott Morrison


My response to the report, ‘Village of Tears’, aired on Dateline, on SBS, 1/10/13.

Watch ‘Village of Tears’ here:


Dateline:  Marching to the beat of Scott Morrison

Dateline’s report, ‘Village of Tears’ certainly made a lot of ignorant Australians rowdy[1]. In the report, lasting less than 7 minutes, we are told the story of the Khoder family from Lebanon, the victims of a recent asylum seeker tragedy[2].  Hussein Khoder survived, but his wife and eight children died when the boat they were on sank, in an attempt to reach Australia.  The report focuses on two major narratives; the tragedy for the family, through a discussion with Hussein’s family in Lebanon; and the anger their hometown feels toward Australia, amid claims that Australian authorities ignored distress calls from the asylum seeker boat.  Through an examination of the narrow and misleading representations used in the Dateline report, I argue that the viewer is encouraged to perpetuate negative stereotypes of asylum seekers.

Dateline makes use of reliable voices, a sympathetic sounding narrator and the victims’ family in Lebanon, to have the viewer believe that the Khoders attempted to reach Australia for economic reasons.  Khoder’s brother, Nasser, directly states that the Khoder family were fleeing poverty in Lebanon. According to Article 1 of the Refugee Convention as amended by the 1967 Protocol, a refugee is:

"A person who owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country; or who, not having a nationality and being outside the country of his former habitual residence as a result of such events, is unable or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to return to it..".[3]

Dateline’s report emphasises the economic hardship facing the family, with no suggestion that they suffered, or feared, persecution. 

Dateline also encourages the viewer to question the extent to which the family experienced poverty.  The narrator explains that the Khoder family did not have enough money to buy a cot, but we are also told that they spent $80 000 trying to reach Australia.  Dateline’s story fails to provide a comprehensive overview of the country from which the Khoder family fled.  The viewer is not informed that Lebanon is hosting about a million Syrian refugees. Further, as a result of the influx of Syrian refugees in Lebanon, a country of approximately 4 million permanent residents[4], the UNHCR states that, “heath, education, and water and sanitation systems are all over-stretched. In certain areas, security has become more tenuous complicating governance and aid delivery.”[5] Dateline does not tell the viewer that many Lebanese residents are experiencing poverty for the first time, as a direct result of the influx of refugees from Syria, or that Syrian laborers have been employed at a cheaper rate than Lebanese people, which has resulted in many Lebanese residents losing their jobs[6]. The absence of such information in Dateline’s report brings the credibility of the report into question. 

Dateline’s report heavily implicates Hussein in the death of his family.  We are informed that Hussein was repeatedly instructed by his family not to take the dangerous boat journey to Australia. Hussein’s brother tried to convince him that he should spare the life of his wife and children, by leaving them in Lebanon with the extended family.  Hussein, the Middle Eastern husband at the centre of Dateline’s story, neatly fits an ‘irrational, self-entitled Middle Eastern’ man, an image at the forefront of an Australian consciousness.  A similar picture of a Middle Eastern male often emerges when we discuss Western intervention in Middle Eastern countries.  As Australians, we tell ourselves that we are a humanitarian nation where Western women have a voice and are treated with dignity, respect and equality.  To further imply that Hussein was irrational, greedy and selfish (in attempting to seek asylum), we are shown photographs of the family in Indonesia. We see Hussein smiling broadly, holding two giant papayas.  We notice that he is fit and healthy enough to climb high in a tree.  Through a particular collection of images, interviews and narration, the viewer is led to believe that in both Lebanon and Indonesia, the family were neither facing poverty, nor persecution.

Dateline’s report does not provide any indication that asylum seekers may suffer particular hardships in transit countries like Indonesia, on their way to Australia. There are a range of reasons why asylum seekers do not remain in transit countries, including the lack of opportunity to legally work, and an inability to provide their children with access to education.  Many countries have not signed the Refugee Convention, complicating access to basic human rights. In an analysis of Dateline’s narrow representation of the experience of asylum seeking, it is worth emphasising that the Khoder family were not the only people that drowned in the incident.  Dateline presents the tragedy through the experience of one family, that an uninformed viewer could easily define as ‘country hopping’ and opportunistic.  It is somewhat logical for the viewer to assume that, because many that drowned were from the same village as the Khoders, all of those on the boat were persecution-free.

Despite its skewed representation of the asylum seeker experience that encourages the viewer to be outraged, I would argue that one aspect of the report was to encourage the viewer to feel sadness.  However, the report needed to provide a more comprehensive examination of the background, to both the family at the centre of their story, and the experience of seeking asylum.  Narrator and journalist act as an authority in an investigative piece.  We have extra reason to trust her, as she is an award-winning journalist on SBS.  Problematically, the viewer can easily label the narrator as a left-wing-biased ‘bleeding-heart’.  The camera dwells on photographs of the dead asylum seekers.  The narrator/journalist dramatically pauses in the voiceover in a sensationalistic manner. Her attempt to generate compassion seem manipulative, her logic, irrational.  Her selective use of information encourages the viewer to think that this family is neither struck by poverty, nor in fear of persecution.

An interview[7] with the journalist, (included on Dateline’s website some time after the story aired on SBS) brings the validity of the report into question. The interview reveals that Hussein was increasingly worried that his family might become caught up in explosions and suicide bombings in Lebanon.   In an environment where Australia’s political representatives are eager to paint asylum seekers in a negative light, the absence of this piece of information is particularly insidious.  Dateline perpetuates the myth of the asylum seeker as an exclusively economic migrant. It is not enough for Dateline to complement their story with additional interviews and extra information on their website.  Standing alone, the report provides both an inaccurate representation of the family at the centre of its story, and acts to reinforce simplistic, negative myths about asylum seekers.

Recently, the compassion of the Australian government has been brought into question, via accusations that Australia ignored distress calls from the boat involved in the tragedy. I wonder if the story encourages the general public to think these accusations are less credible?[8]  Do media representation of these claims against Australia appear to emerge primarily from the ‘unreliable’ voice of the  father at the centre of the report?

As well as excluding crucial information that brings the refugee status of both the family, and all boat travelling asylum seekers, into question, Dateline uses a number of selective and misleading images to encourage the viewer to rely on Western stereotypes about Middle Eastern people, Muslims and terrorists.  These stereotypes of a non-Australian Other form part of the Australian consciousness.  The report attempts to generate outrage over the opinion of a single Lebanese Sheikh, Ali Khoder, who resides in Quabeit, the village from which the family at the centre of the tragedy resided.  The voiceover sets the scene for the story, explaining that the people in Qabeit have come to grieve, and to vent their anger at Australia.  The report presents the anger using only the voice of the Sheikh. The viewer can identify the Sheikh[9] as a religious man, through his title, headdress and other clothes. His supposed religious extremism is signified by his aggressive tone and his ‘irrational’ outburst.  His irrationality is also represented by his oversimplification of Australia’s asylum seeker policies. Dateline’s website[10] encourages the viewer to believe a particular story about the Sheikh, by highlighting their report with a quote from him, “Australia, shame on you, that your new rulers have reached the stage of killing people”[11]. 

Dateline’s report encourages the viewer to believe that the Sheikh is an authority in Qabeit.  It achieves this by presenting him as the sole voice at the public gathering.  We see several other people talking at the gathering, but the report provides no subtitles.  We are to rely on Dateline’s authority that the whole village is angry, the absence of subtitles reinforces that these people don’t speak the same language as ‘us’, the Australian viewer. The report relies on a number of assumptions, about the Middle East and Muslims, that an Australian viewer brings with them, to the act of viewing the report. The Sheik’s words, and Dateline’s manufactured image of him, reminds us that religious people supposedly have (a dangerous amount of) authority in Middle Eastern countries.  Through the representations of the Sheikh, we are reminded that Middle Eastern people are potential terrorists.  The Sheikh reminds us of images of violent, religious extremists that have propagated in the media with particularly visciousness since September 11.

A subsequent interview with the report’s journalist[12] and the follow up story, airing on SBS’s Dateline two weeks later, 15/10/2013[13], reveals the extent to which Dateline’s report misleads the viewer.  We discover that rather than being exclusively angry at Australia, the people from Qabeit blamed, “anyone and everyone for the deaths”.  We also learn that the Sheikh is actually Hussein’s cousin.  This fact has significance because it could suggest that his anger toward Australia is a sign of the grieving process, rather than the consequence of religious extremism, that which the viewer is encouraged to believe. It further suggests that the Sheikh’s views toward Australia were not necessarily those of the entire village, and that the Sheikh might not be the authority in the village. Overall, the story relies on, and reinforces, assumptions that an ignorant general public have been encouraged to make about asylum seekers, terrorists, people from the Middle East, and Muslims, and the manufactured interconnections between these.

Imagine, for example, if I decided to interview fundamentalist Christian, Wendy Francis, in an investigative piece about the topic of Abortion in Australia.  I decided to base my story on a single interview with Francis, without presenting the views of anyone else in the community.  Then, let’s say that I take this imaginary piece about Abortion in Australia and show it on overseas television. What would foreigners think of Australians?  What if we called Francis an ‘Abortion Expert’, or suggested to the viewer that she was somehow an authority in the Australian community?

Dateline’s report relies on popular misconceptions of asylum seekers, the Middle East, terrorism and Muslims in order to deliver a story.  The selective images help to compartmentalise and define that which is not supposedly not ‘us’, the viewer.  The public’s response, evidenced by viewer comments[14], suggests that the report largely reinforces negative perceptions of asylum seekers. While it is not Dateline’s responsibility to provide exclusively positive representations of asylum seekers, it is irresponsible to rely on misinformation and sensationalism to gain the attention of the viewer. The report acts to reinforce negative perceptions of asylum seekers and merely encourages the viewer to define themselves in opposition to a Muslim, Middle Eastern, terrorist Other.







[9]Note: Dateline’s website spells Sheikh as ‘Sheik’

Thursday 17 October 2013

Amanda Vanstone: You must really love cake



‘Insert:  picture of Vanstone eating a big piece of cake with some slobber running down her chin.’

Vandstone is a media-savvy obese person playing hardball, but being a sad story
should not entitle her to free healthcare in Australia.

One could be forgiven for thinking Australia was somehow responsible for making Vanstone overweight.  Sugar on the table? If anyone doubts that this person knows full well what she was doing, ask me, I’m a personal trainer.

If Vanstone actually loved her family, she would have lost 20, 30 maybe even 40kg years ago.

Burdon on the tax system? People like Vanstone cost the country $120 billion each year. Blah, blah and blah.

Anyone can be a vile. It isn’t hard.

Sunday 13 October 2013

Gay Marriage Rights in Australia's Facebook page


I really had to 'unlike' that 'Gay Marriage Rights in Australia' page.  I admit, I was a psychotic troll waiting to happen.  Before I left the fold, I did engage in some trolling-lite of their page, in response to their ongoing outrage toward a particular socialist group.  'Gay Marriage Rights in Australia' continue to encourage their followers to whine and whimper about an immature advertising campaign this particular socialist group used to promote the last marriage equality rally.  I assume the nasty, radical socialists were also partly involved in organising the rally?  If so, why don't 'Gay Marriage Rights in Australia', or the people so disapproving of the advertising (and, indeed themselves:)), get up off their arses and organise their own rally? 

I'm sick to my stupid left-wing bones of reading the car crash of voices from self-entitled, single-issue gays bringing disorder and chaos to the calm of newsfeed.  I'm shocked to my jocks by the Daily-Tele-nazi, Abbott-praising gays festering out there on the streets, waiting to give their 2 cents at any opportunity.  They're violating every corner of the Internet and I risk being exposed to them with every gentle click of my social media experience.  So I'm just sayin' that I'm no longer a member of 'Gay Marriage Rights in Australia', out of fear of being tossed into a pit of streamlined gays spewing up their vile hatred of every refugee, green and socialist, on their glorious path to achieving gay marital bliss.